ISBN 978-1-933633-86-2 (alk. However, a serious and honest theory about the relation of currency and war should have discussed why Athens’s belligerent rival Sparta had a social structure based on war and military discipline and still it was a command economy, not an economy based on exchange.This is not a minor issue, but one that reveals a lot about exchange and its connection to violence.

It was a moment when the global financial system had been put into question, a moment which called for bold theoretical criticism.While there were a number of critical reviews from Marxists, there were also many positive reviews, not only from anarchist or activist circles, but also in leading journals and even from among the bourgeoisie; Ingo Stützle mentions even a review by the chief economist of the Deutsche Bank group.While the secret of Debt’s success for the anarchists is clear, its success with the middle class or even bourgeois readers is more interesting. I’d mostly heard before that recoinings were economically disruptive events. This is not because they are hostile to markets. The precious metal positive feedback cycle went into high gear, and dragged the world along with it. Thirty or forty years is nothing in terms of the scale we have been dealing with.

Not really. So do various strains of socialist, social democrats, even crypto-fascists like Auguste Comte (the first, as far as I am aware, to actually coin the phrase “social debt”). But all that would change if he took out a loan. Actually, Western Europe was, as in so many things, a relative late-comer in this regard: most of the financial innovations that reached Italy and France in the 11th and 12th centuries had been in common use in Egypt or Iraq since the 8th or 9th centuries. At the very least they would always insist, if they had the power, that those prisoners who had already had their lives spared could no longer be killed by their masters. Intellectual distance is instead necessary between the radical academic world and people who are engaged in struggle with their exploiters – it is necessary when, at the end of t he day, the academic has only his academic things to say, things that are miles away from the experience of the ‘poor’ or whoever he speaks about.The fact of having been with ‘the poor’ in Zuccotti Park and the fact of having dressed his book with radical slogans does not change our opinion about Graeber and his book.

The whole thing is so difficult for him that he just prefers to simply call the Athenian regime ‘Greece’, and dismiss the problem of Sparta in a footnote. He starts by wondering: ‘Why women? A man’s ability to protect the women of his family [from becoming slaves] is an essential part of that honour.’All this is cleverly written but still does not really explain why a man cannot measure value in terms of his own honour, which he needs to protect too.

Interest rates, fixed at 20 percent, remained stable for 2,000 years. So he can say to us:‘Since the Han dynasty [the Chinese empire] adopted a tribute system whereby, in exchange for recognition of the Chinese emperor as world-sovereign, they have been willing to shower thei r client states with gifts far greater than they receive in return... silk and porcelain...’.. and this is why China is now compelled to lend money to the US!We know nothing about the Han dynasty. In fact we don’t even know what money is. If money is the starting point for explaining our relations, then what is money in the first instance? We can't help but believe Don Corleone when he tells us we owe him one.It's not just gangsters who utilise the moral power of debt. Graeber cannot see how exchange is connected to both peace and violence in a complex way. ISBN 978-1-933633-86-2 (alk. However his law originated, it tells us: that today we live in an age of ‘Virtual Money’ (whatever this is) and as a consequence of this the US empire and the IMF cannot live long (whatever the reason). In a nutshell, humans are too complicated for Graeber’s ‘theory’! It’s not ‘really’ anything ; therefore its nature has always been, and presumably always will be, a matter of political contention’.It is precisely because Graeber cannot understand the essence of value and money that he cannot explain them.

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